Abstract

In the annual Global Gender Gap Report, which tracks gender parity in education, health, politics, and economic participation, Japanese women consistently rank last among the group of seven industrialized nations and far below those in other Asian countries such as the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand in spite of governmental policies such as former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo’s “Womenomics” initiative to encourage Japanese women to enter the workplace. Although the number of working women has increased, most are not engaged in career-track jobs; the number of women in executive or managerial positions, as well as high-level government jobs, lags far behind that of other industrialized nations. Similarly, compared to their counterparts in other developed countries, Japanese men participate far less in household labor. Research suggests that the less than stellar labor market outcome for Japanese women may be in part because they are choosing part-time or lower-level jobs to balance employment with nonwork obligations. Japanese working women who are married with children still bear the brunt of childcare, housekeeping, and caring for elderly relatives. Furthermore, they are left with little time for activities that might lead to career advancement. There are indications, however, that gendered perceptions of domestic labor in Japan are changing. In this study, we conducted a survey to investigate the attitudes of current Japanese university students, who were born in the mid to late 1990s and are part of the so-called Generation Z, toward domestic tasks and determine whether there has been a generational shift in attitudes about who is responsible for domestic work.

Keywords

Domestic Labor, Japan, Gender Parity, Housework, Survey

Introduction

In the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap 2022 Report, which tracks gender parity in education, health, politics, and economic participation, Japan ranked 116th out of 146 countries, remaining in last place among the group of seven industrialized nations and lagging far behind other Asian countries like the Philippines, which came in at 19th, Singapore, which ranked 49th, and Thailand in 79th place. Furthermore, although Japan is ranked first in educational attainment, the country ranks a dismal 139th in the field of women’s political empowerment. This is in spite of the 2018 Act on Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field; under the current Kishida administration, only 2 of 20 ministerial posts are occupied by women. The newly appointed minister in charge of Declining Birthrate and Women’s Empowerment is a childless man.  

Since former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo announced his “Womenomics” initiative to encourage Japanese women to enter the workplace, the percentage of working women ages 25 to 54 increased from 55% in 2017 to 72% in 2020 (Shambaugh et al., 2017). However, although the number of working women has increased, most are not engaged in career-track jobs; the number of women in executive or managerial positions, as well as high-level government jobs, lags far behind that of other industrialized nations (Shim, 2018). Men are disproportionately represented in Japan’s National Diet, the National Legislature of Japan, in both the upper and lower houses. A recent poll conducted by the Nippon Foundation suggests that gender biases are at least part of the cause for this gap:

In response to a question concerning “reasons why women are not going into politics,” most respondents pointed to these five factors: 1) difficulty in balancing Diet member activities and family life; 2) attitude that politics is for men; 3) underdeveloped environment for fostering female politicians; 4) attitude that men should work, while women do housework and raise children; 5) discrimination and harassment against women politicians. (Akimoto, 2021)

Longstanding gender biases have affected Japanese women’s progress in other spheres, such as the medical field, as well. In 2018, Tokyo Medical University admitted to lowering test scores of female applicants to limit their numbers, allegedly because administrators believed that women would be more likely to abandon the medical profession after marriage and childbirth (Ramzy & Ueno, 2018; Wheeler, 2018).

In addition to systemic issues, the attitudes of women themselves may also impede gender parity in Japan. Shambaugh et al. (2017) suggests the less than stellar labor market outcome for Japanese women may be due to the possibility “that work other than full-time and regular employment is a better fit for the circumstances and preferences of some working women” and that they choose jobs that enable them to “balance employment with non-work obligations” (2017). In other words, they may be choosing part-time or lower-level jobs because Japanese working women who are married with children still bear the brunt of childcare, housekeeping, and caring for elderly relatives (Rich, 2019). Not only do many Japanese women assume most of the responsibility for domestic labor, some actively discourage their husbands from helping (Hamada, 2019). As a result, these women are left with little time for activities that might lead to professional advancement and, consequentially, better gender parity in business and politics.

Women in other countries, such as Singapore and the United States, which ranks 27th on the Global Gender Gap 2022 Report, often hire workers to help with domestic tasks. This is not the case in Japan. A previous study (Kamata & Kita, 2021) found that although more than a third of respondents surveyed were willing to consider hiring household help, only 12% of women surveyed had done so. The most prevalent reason for not hiring someone was the ability to do it oneself, which suggests a sense of personal responsibility regarding domestic labor. Nevertheless, prioritizing domestic tasks may impede women from advancing in the workplace, although having women in leadership positions would add perspective to decision and policymaking, which affect women.

There are, however, indications that attitudes regarding gender and domestic labor may be changing. In 2019, Shinjiro Koizumi, the charismatic Minister of the Environment and son of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, announced that he would take 12 days of paternity leave to care for his newborn son. Also, during the COVID-19 pandemic, many Japanese men were forced to work at home, which gave them the opportunity to spend more time with their families. Some men began to pitch in more with domestic tasks (Rich, 2020). Furthermore, young activists have taken to social media to protest sexist and misogynistic business practices. For example, Yumi Ishikawa began the #KuToo campaign on Twitter to protest company requirements for women to wear high heels to work. Also, depictions of men in popular entertainment, such as the gangster homemaker in the manga and anime The Way of the Househusband, and the bento-making single father in the Netflix film 461 Obentos, may help to change gender-based perceptions of domestic labor. While these developments are encouraging, research is necessary to obtain a better grasp of changes in attitudes among members of the younger generation. In this chapter, we will examine the results of a survey on the perceptions of Gen Z Japanese university students of domestic labor and their implications for gender parity in Japan.

Methodology

We used a qualitative approach in our study. The participants were a sample of university students who conducted the survey during the first researcher’s class, and also students reached through a university interoffice email system. Since both researchers teach at universities, we also asked professors in our professional networks and students at other universities to help facilitate the survey. We targeted Japanese university students; however, a few respondents are international students living and studying in Japan. All respondents are university students.

The survey questions (see Appendix) were available in both English and Japanese in the form of a Google document. Participants received a link or a QR code linking to the questions, which enabled participants to reply anonymously. Initially, we inquired about age, gender, nationality, home prefecture, and their university. In our survey, we asked about living conditions before becoming university students, current living conditions, gendered perceptions of typical domestic tasks, and future expectations regarding the division of domestic labor. Finally, we invited students to suggest ways in which gender parity regarding domestic labor might be achieved in Japan. We initially gathered the responses to our survey in December 2021. Four hundred university students responded to the survey. In addition, using the same questions, we interviewed five students face-to-face in November of 2023 to collect more detailed and nuanced responses.

Demographics

Four hundred university students responded to the survey. Of the participants, 98.4% were between the ages 18 and 22 (see Table 3.1 below). The majority of the participants were Japanese, accounting for 97.3 %. The survey was conducted at six universities across Japan, including one women’s university. The four hundred students from six universities who participated in the survey have a variety of backgrounds and are from 37 prefectures.

Table 3.1. What is your age?

Out of 400 participants, 206 were female, accounting for 51.5%, and 190 were male, accounting for 47.8%. Three students identified as nonbinary (see Figure 3.1 below).

Figure 3.1. Age and gender.

Survey Findings

Division of Household Labor in Family Home

Our initial questions inquired about the division of household labor in the students’ families as they were growing up. Although in many households domestic tasks were completed by various family members including parents, grandparents, brothers, sisters, and the respondents themselves, mothers were overwhelmingly involved in domestic labor at least some of the time. Results showed that mothers cooked in 375 households (93.75%), while 84 (21%) of fathers cooked; mothers did the laundry in 359 households (89.8%), compared to fathers in 85 (21.3%) households. Mothers in 335 households (83.8%) vacuumed or mopped the floors, while 118 (29.5%) fathers did. Washing the dishes was done by 340 (85%) mothers and 145 (36.3%) fathers, and shopping for groceries was done by mothers in 374 (93.5%) households and by fathers in 156 (39%) households. Additionally, 46.3% of fathers took out the garbage, and 44.3% of fathers bathed their children. Clearly, in many families, domestic tasks are shared, although mothers may tend to carry a heavier load.

Current Living Situation of Students

Over half (55.8%) of respondents continue to live with family, while 33.5% live alone. Roughly half (49%) reported that they do their own cooking, and 57.3% said that they do their own laundry, while 95.5% replied that they clean their rooms or apartments by themselves. Figure 3.2 below indicates the students’ current living situation and cooking responsibilities.

Figure 3.2. Current living situation and cooking responsibility.

Gendering Household Tasks

We also invited students to assign gender (male, female, or neutral) to 13 specific household chores, including cooking, shopping for groceries, washing windows, giving children a bath, vacuuming/mopping, washing dishes, dusting, ironing, taking out the garbage, meeting children’s teachers, cleaning toilets, putting children to bed, and making children’s bentos (lunch boxes). An overwhelming majority declared that all of the chores were gender-neutral. For example, 82% responded that making children’s bentos was gender neutral, although only 4.5% reported that their fathers had made bentos, while 93% reported that cleaning toilets was a gender-neutral chore in spite of having reported that only 20.5% of fathers completed this task in their households. However, in cases in which gender was indicated, most chores were deemed female. For example, 61 respondents (15.3%) considered cooking “female,” while only 9 (2.3%) felt that it was a “male” task. Although Japanese fathers frequently bathe young children, 36 (9%) respondents replied that it is a “female” task, while only 16 (4%) considered it a “male” task. A slightly larger percentage (12.8%) felt that taking out the garbage was a male task, compared to 2% who designated it as a female task. Similarly, 44 (11%) felt that washing windows was a male task, while only 21 (5.3%) considered it a female one. Overall, the university students surveyed appear to have an egalitarian view of domestic tasks.

The tables below give more detailed information about gendered perceptions of cooking (Table 3.2), shopping for groceries (Table 3.3), bathing children (Table 5.4), taking out the garbage (Table 3.5) and making children’s bentos (Table 3.6).

Expectations for the Future

We also asked students to anticipate how they might divide domestic tasks while living with a partner in the future. Multiple responses were allowed. Most (83.3%) replied that whoever has the most free time will likely perform the chores, while 36.8% expect that chores will divided equally. Twenty-seven (6.8%) declared that they expect to hire help (see Table 3.7 below.) For the most part, students did not consider gender a factor.

Students’ Ideas for Achieving Gender Parity

Many students recognized that gender disparity exists in Japan. One student, a19-year-old female from Kochi, had little hope for her elders, responding, “There is nothing we can do about gender equality to my parents’ generation. I’m sure they will never change their minds.” However, she added, “I think that some of the younger generations have both men and women doing housework.” A 19-year-old male from Okayama concurred, replying “Especially among the younger generation, the stereotype of men and women doing domestic work is slowly disappearing. What is important is the spirit of mutual help, and if we have that, time will solve the problem.”

Many mentioned the importance of discussing the division of labor as a couple or a family. For example, a female student from Kanagawa wrote:

First of all, I think it is effective to visualize the working hours and the equivalent compensation, so that people who do not participate in household chores understand that all of this is done without pay and relies on good will. It would then be good to discuss how the household can share the burden.

Other respondents suggested that gender parity might be achieved in Japan through education. For example, a 19-year-old female student from Nara wrote, “I think it would be good if schools and society show an attitude of gender equality.” Similarly, a 19-year-old female from Osaka advised, “Educate elementary school children about the relationship between gender equality and domestic work, and teach them that both men and women can do housework.” A 19-year-old male from Wakayama proposed “Appeal to the awareness of gender equality by showing text and diagrams to help people understand the reality of domestic work.”

Others pointed out the potential effect of representations in media:

I believe that the process of creating an ideal family image includes the entertainment we watched as children, such as anime and manga, so I think it would be good if there were more anime with various family structures, not just those like Sazae-san, where men are outside and women are at home. (Female respondent, age 22, Kanagawa)

Still others advocated living independently: “Make sure that every person experiences living alone at least once. (They can learn how to do and what kind of domestic work it is and how hard it is),” advised a 20-year-old male from Kanagawa; while a 21-year-old female from Ehime wrote, “I think you should experience living alone at least once before you get married.”

Finally, an 18-year-old male from Ishikawa replied, “Hire a professional.”

Face-to-Face Interviews

The researchers also interviewed five individuals at their respective universities face-to-face in the interest of acquiring more nuanced and detailed responses. The students (a male graduate student at the first researcher’s university and four female undergraduates at the second researcher’s university) were asked to reply to the original survey questions, and encouraged to elaborate upon their answers.

Student A

The first researcher interviewed Student A, a 32-year-old male graduate student of education at a small teacher’s college in English.

He was born and raised in Osaka, a large city, in a nuclear family composed of his mother, father, younger sister, and him. Significantly, his father lived and worked in another city and prefecture due to the Japanese practice of tanshin-funin, or companies’ tendency to transfer employees to different branches located in different geographic areas every three years or so. Many wives and children stay behind in the family’s home to avoid disruption to children’s schooling and because it is inconvenient and expensive to move every few years. Thus, in the case of Student A’s family, his father was only home on the weekends, and his mother, who worked as a pharmacist, had to manage the household on her own most of the time.

Student A reported that his mother did most of the cooking:

Mainly my mother did the cooking. She has been working so sometimes she doesn’t have time to prepare dinner, so sometimes my sister and I prepared dinner (usually pre-prepared frozen food), once a month, I think. I could prepare steamed rice. We prepared breakfast by ourselves. We just [made] toast and spread butter [on it] and [ate]. For lunch, we had school lunch in elementary school. When I was in junior high school and high school, there was no school lunch so my mother prepared a lunch box. If mother was too busy, I bought a bento at a convenience store (maybe about once a week).

His mother ordered food to be delivered weekly from a co-op. He maintained that all family members did the laundry and took out the garbage, but his father assumed various tasks on the weekend, such as vacuuming, dusting, and cleaning the toilet. He helped his father wash windows: “I remember I did it with my father. That was [a] man’s job.” In early childhood, he remembers that his father gave him a bath, and often met with his teachers when he was a high school student.

Student A currently lives alone in an apartment, which he says he cleans about once every two weeks. He does his own laundry, and sometimes cooks:

Not every time, but often. Depends on my motivation. Maybe [I cook] about five days in a week. [On other days, I buy] bento at convenience stores. I don’t like going to restaurants by myself.

When asked to assign gender to various household chores, Student A designated cooking, shopping for groceries, ironing, putting children to bed, and making bentos as “female,” while cleaning toilets, giving children a bath, and taking out the garbage were “male” activities. The others were considered “neutral.” These responses correspond to the gender roles performed in his family as he grew up.

When asked how he might expect to divide household labor if he lived with a partner in the future, he responded as follows:

The best solution is whoever prefers the chores the most. The next, whoever has the most free time. If both me and my partner are busy and don’t have time to do chores, it’s okay if we don’t do the chores. We don’t have to blame the other for not doing the chores.

Finally, he was asked to suggest a way to achieve gender parity in Japan. He replied thusly:

If more people worked for themselves, had their own businesses, were self-employed. Many office workers do much job because they think that they are expected to work long hours by their companies, even though they were not asked to. If their contribution is high, they might get a promotion. That kind of pressure might make them work longer. If they were self-employed, they might not have that pressure. If more people are self-employed, people will manage their working time more efficiently. They can use more time for their family, and for their household jobs.

Unlike the undergraduate students who replied to our survey, Student A had experience as a full-time employee before becoming a graduate student. He has a realistic expectation of post-graduate working conditions, which is reflected in his answers. Having grown up in a household run mostly by a busy, working mother, he was expected to help with chores, but does not necessarily prioritize cooking and cleaning in his present daily life. Although he is slightly older than most of our respondents, his replies provide valuable insight into the attitudes of young Japanese adults toward gender and housework. In particular, his experience highlights the burden caused by separating employees from their families by transferring them to distant locations.

Student B

Student B is a 22-year-old female at an all-women’s college. She was born and raised in Fukuoka, within a nuclear family composed of her mother, younger brother, and her. She refrained from discussing her father. Her grandmother, who passed away a few years ago, lived with them until her death. During her time living with her family, her mother was responsible for all household chores. Upon enrolling at a university in Kyoto, she began living independently in an apartment. Consequently, she now manages all household chores by herself, which includes cooking, shopping, and cleaning. She, and subsequent interviewees, were interviewed by the second researcher in Japanese, and their responses were translated into English by the researcher.

Regarding the gender-based division of labor in household chores and expectations for a future partner, she mentioned that cooking is more suitable for women. When asked to elaborate on the reasons for this view, she replied, “There is a general perception that women are more apt for cooking. I share this belief. This is based on the stereotype that men are less skilled in cooking.”

She also responded that ironing is more suitable for women in the division of household chores. According to her reasoning was, “In my family, the task of ironing has historically been undertaken by my grandmother, leading to a lack of association in my mind with men performing this task.”

As for the question, “What do you expect from your partner when living together in the future? Specifically, explain your reasoning for your response regarding who should undertake household chores, excluding cooking and ironing, from a gender perspective,” Student B responded as follows:

Regarding cooking and ironing, there is a strong, deep-seated belief from my upbringing that these tasks are suitable for women. This view is influenced by my family environment and the actions of my grandmother, who was also responsible for cooking and ironing. However, for other household chores like taking out the trash and doing laundry, I believe that whoever has the time should handle these tasks. In addition, concerning the task of bathing children, I answered that either parent is appropriate as both should participate in childcare. Also, for chores like garbage disposal, cleaning, and shopping, I chose “either is fine” because I think the responsibility should not be on just one person and whoever is available should take it up.

This response reveals a mixture of traditional and modern views on gender roles in household chores. It reflects how the division of roles within a household is deeply rooted in the history and cultural background of each family. The respondent firmly believes that cooking and ironing are women’s tasks, a notion shaped by her family environment and grandmother’s practices. This reflects the traditional thinking of gender-based roles in the home. On the other hand, for chores like trash disposal and laundry, the response suggests a more flexible and fair approach, advocating that the available person should perform these tasks. This particularly applies to childcare, where both parents are seen as equally responsible, showing a current view of family roles. While traditional gender roles still influence some chores, there is a recognition of the need for a fairer distribution based on individual availability and capability for other chores. This response points to the importance of further research on changing societal gender roles and transforming how household chores are divided, offering insights into how gender roles in household chores could be reinterpreted and changed.

Student C

Like the previous interviewee, Student C is a 22-year-old female at an all-women’s college. She was born and raised in Kyoto, within a nuclear family comprising her father, mother, older sister, and her. She currently resides with her family. She does not engage in cooking; instead, her mother and father prepare meals for the family. Her father also takes on household tasks such as washing dishes, dusting, cleaning windows, and maintaining the bath. He also bathed the children when she was younger. Although she takes responsibility for cleaning her room, she does not cook or do laundry. When asked to share her response to the inquiry regarding expectations from a partner when living together in the future, she maintained that either gender can undertake household chores. Her reasoning is as follows:

Regarding cooking, I believe that if one desires to cook, they should be the one to do it. Similarly, cleaning should be a joint effort. Overall, I think that the person who is able to do the work should do it. This idea isn’t about whether someone is a man or a woman, but rather who has the time and ability. I believe that if someone can do the task, they should. Also, when both partners are working, both are likely to be tired. This makes me wonder why only one should have to do more household chores.

This response transcends traditional views of gender roles in household labor, proposing a more equal and efficient division. It also highlights an important aspect of promoting gender equality.

Student D

Student D is also a 21-year-old female at an all-women’s college. She was born and raised in Shima City, a small town in Mie Prefecture. She grew up in a nuclear family, consisting of her father, mother, and her. While living with her parents, her father assisted with various household tasks such as laundry, grocery shopping, taking out the garbage, and meeting with her teachers at school. She notes that her family operated a small local business and that her parents worked together on household chores. Upon enrolling at a university in Kyoto, she moved into a dormitory on campus. Meals are provided there, so she does not need to cook. However, she takes care of her own cleaning and laundry.

Although she mentioned that her father performs some tasks, she has not observed an equitable division of labor in her family home:

My father barely participates in household chores, only managing tasks like shopping and taking out the trash. He seldom cooks or cleans, often only taking care of his own room. Conversely, in a friend’s home, I’ve heard about a shared responsibility in chores, with the friend or their father preparing dinner. Hearing such stories makes me believe that equality in domestic labor is desirable. I resent the idea of chores being solely a woman’s responsibility, or a partner burdening their spouse with all household tasks, leading to disputes. I believe that chores should be undertaken by those who have the time or are skilled in them.

In regards to the question, “What do you think is necessary for achieving a gender-equal society?” Student D responded:

To realize a gender-equal society, it is crucial to establish an environment where both men and women can work equally. Currently, it seems that a high proportion of women are engaged in nonregular employment, such as part-time and temporary jobs. Therefore, it is necessary to provide an environment where women can also enhance their skills. Specifically, increasing opportunities for women to work as full-time or contract employees and creating a workplace environment where they can develop their abilities and build their careers are essential.

Student D shows an awareness of the high proportion of Japanese women engaged in nonregular employment, and the necessity of increasing opportunities for women to work as full-time or contract employees, and creating a workplace environment where they can develop their abilities and build their careers.

Student E

Student E is a 20-year-old female at an all-women’s college. She was born and raised in Kyoto, within a nuclear family composed of her mother, her sister, and her. She refrained from discussing her father. Currently, she lives with her mother. Her mother handles the cooking and laundry, while she assists by vacuuming, dusting, grocery shopping, taking out the garbage, cleaning the bathroom, and washing the windows. She offered the following insights:

Personally, if I were to get married and take on household chores, doing all the housework alone would feel like a heavy responsibility. I would like to continue working after marriage, so it would be desirable for my spouse to help with the chores when I have time. Sharing housework would lead to a more balanced life. Recently, in a gender studies class, I noticed that women’s salaries are relatively lower when viewing a graph comparing the wages of men and women. This observation highlights the importance of creating an environment where women can work more easily and the need to raise their wages. Furthermore, although parental leave has become more accessible recently, many people still find it difficult to take. Therefore, making parental leave easier to take is also a desirable change in society.

Conclusion

In spite of the reputation that Japanese men have for overwork in the office and slacking off at home, creating a burden on wives and mothers and impeding the advancement of women in society, our survey findings suggest a generational shift in attitude. Most of the so-called Generation Z students surveyed have experience performing domestic tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry either within their families or while living alone. Furthermore, the vast majority of respondents expressed no gender bias toward domestic tasks. Many anticipate sharing domestic labor in the future after having frank discussions with their partners about how to divide the tasks. More concerning, however, are the responses to our question regarding how tasks may be delegated during cohabitation, as most indicated that whoever has the most free time will be expected to do the most housework. Currently, in workplaces dominated by older men, males tend to work the longest hours. While younger men appear to be ready and willing to do their share of future domestic tasks, a shift in workplace culture is still required. However, our research indicates that Japanese university students are well aware of the issue of gender disparity and are willing to discuss this problem further and find solutions.